September 2008: First EU Workshop

September 2008: First EU Workshop

Like the KU Workshop held at Kansai University in July 2008, the EU Workshop aims to offer young Japanese Studies researchers a forum to present their findings, benefit from critique and discussion, and network with their colleagues. The EU Workshop takes place in Leuven, Belgium, from 12 to 14 September 2008.

View the flyer (pdf)


Day 1: Visit to the East Asian Library, opening lectures (English), and welcome party for participants
Day 2: Presentations by young Japanese Studies scholars (English and Japanese)
Day 3: Fieldwork in Leuven, Brussels and Antwerp (presenters only)

View the full schedule (pdf) 


Over twenty participants, associated mainly with Japan's Kansai University and Belgium's Catholic University of Leuven, will present their research findings and discuss their methodology over the course of two days. Click each name for more information (coming soon).

Opening lectures: 

Maho Toyoda, Associate Professor, Department of Cross-Cultural Studies, Faculty of Letters, Kansai University
“Population and Birth Control in the U.S. Occupation of Japan: The Case of Margaret Sanger”

Michael Schiltz, Post-Doctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research (FWO Vlaanderen)
“A Money Doctor from Japan: Megata Tanetaro in Korea, 1904-1907”

Aki Toyoyama, Post-Doctoral Fellow, Program for EU-Japanology Education and Research, Kansai University
“The Orient Revisited: Re-Evaluating the Post-War Nihonga Movements in Relation to Post-Colonial Asia”


Elena Atanassova-Cornelis (Post-doctoral fellow, Catholic University of Leuven)
Hiroki Asahara (MA student, Kansai University)
Hiromi Date (MA student, Kansai University)
David De Cooman (PhD student, Catholic University of Leuven)
Yuko Ishitobi (MA student, Kansai University), Harue Tonari (MA student, Kansai University), Aya Maeda (MA student, Kansai University)
Mitsuru Ito (MA student, Kansai University)
Chika Kawasaki (MA student, Kansai University)
Hanne Knaepen (MA Japanese Studies, Catholic University of Leuven, ULB)
Hitomi Kotani (MA student, Kansai University)
Masaki Morishita (PhD student, Kansai University)
Anton Peersman (MA Japanese Studies, Catholic University of Leuven)
Yoshitaka Suzuki (PhD student, Kansai University)
Mariko Takahashi (MA student, Kansai University)
Yuishi Tamura (MA student, Kansai University), Chie Takehara (MA student, Kansai University), Ryohei Toshima (MA student, Kansai University)
Tokie Tani (PhD student, Kansai University)
Mai Tsujimoto (MA student, Kansai University)
Yasuko Utsumi (PhD student, Kansai University)
Akifumi Yamaguchi (PhD student, Kansai University)

Opening lectures

Maho Toyoda, Associate Professor, Department of Cross-Cultural Studies, Faculty of Letters, Kansai University
“Population and Birth Control in the U.S. Occupation of Japan: The Case of Margaret Sanger”
In 1949, prominent American birth control activist Margaret Sanger was invited to Japan by a local newspaper. However, Douglas MacArthur, chief commander of the Allied Occupation in Japan, refused to let her enter the country. The incident was splashed on the front pages of newspapers across the U.S. and led to a flood of protest letters to MacArthur.
Sanger had entered Japan a few times before WWII and would do so many times in the years to come, but just after the war the issue of population growth was highly politicized. Repatriates and returning soldiers, together with the increasing birth rate and improving death rate meant the population was increasing, making food shortages even worse. In addition, some argued that population pressures in pre-war Japan had driven the country's aggressive expansion, and so population growth had to be stopped.
But population control had fallen into disrepute because of its association with racism, particularly with Nazi theories and practices, and the Americans feared that any attempt to limit Japan's population would be resented by the local population and religious groups. The occupation forces valued human life as a key principle of democracy and worked hard to improve public health, but took a non-intervention policy with regards to population control.
The Americans needed to do something about Japan's growing population. But they also had to avoid being accused of reducing the population, and to pretend they had no interests in cutting the birth rate. It was in this context that Sanger attempted to come to the country. This paper will address the contradictory positions of the Allied Occupation and why it rejected her visit.

Michael Schiltz, Post-Doctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research (FWO Vlaanderen)
“A Money Doctor from Japan: Megata Tanetaro in Korea, 1904-1907”
It is by now established knowledge that Japanese colonialist policies versus Korea cannot have been motivated by economic profit. Literature on Japanese imperialism does, however, fail to address the role of a series of monetary and financial reforms the Japanese government sought to implement after the peninsula had turned into a protectorate. This paper demonstrates how the 'Megata reform', as it came to be called, factually turned Korea into a subsidiary of the Japanese economy. It was a tool aimed at macroeconomic control; it attempted to redefine the position of Korea as one element in an holistic Japan-led 'Lebensraum' (later referred to as the 'Greater East-Asian Co-Prosperity Shere').

Aki Toyoyama, Post-Doctoral Fellow, Program for EU-Japanology Education and Research, Kansai University
“The Orient Revisited: Re-Evaluating the Post-War Nihonga Movements in Relation to Post-Colonial Asia”
Nihonga 日本画 (literally "Japanese painting") is a relative idea which first emerged in the late nineteenth century to distinguish the kind of Japanese painting executed in traditional media and formats from the one in Western modes (yōga 洋画). As part of the pursuit of modernisation by the government, this designation had connoted the cultural distinction and national identity of Japan as a nation-state since the Meiji period. The end of the Pacific War confronted nihonga artists with a fatal crisis of their own traditionalism; and consequently, the younger generation formed new organisations, among which the Sōzō Bijutsu 創造美術 (Creative Art Group) is of greater significance in the achievement of orthodoxy in the development of post-war nihonga.
Established in 1948, the Sōzō Bijutsu included eleven founding members, each of whom gained the first artistic reputation by the end of the 1930s under the governmental organisation of exhibitions such as the Teikoku Bijutsu-in Tenrankai 帝国美術院展覧会 (Exhibition of the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts). The military control of art supplies peremptorily involved artists into the warfare during these years. Amongst the founding members of the Sōzō Bijutsu, Fukuda Toyoshirō 福田豊四郎 (1904-70) and Yoshioka Kenji 吉岡堅二 (1906-90) are particularly known for their direct contribution to the war effort as official war painters (jūgun gaka 従軍画家). Other members, on the other hand, were also more or less engaged themselves in legitimating the military's war policies; for example, Mukai Kuma 向井久万 (1908-86) allegorically congratulated the reinforcement of the Japanese army by depicting birth of a baby boy.
The wartime experience and post-war reaction of the Sōzō Bijutsu members inevitably determined their choice of subject matter to a great extent. However, the group itself was oriented to the fresh and innovative redefinition of Japanese culture by the younger avant-gardes as declared "the creativeness of nihon kaiga 日本絵画 (=nihonga) on the basis of globalism" in the manifesto. The initial stage of the Sōzō Bijutsu Ten 創造美術展 (Creative Art Exhibition) showed their attempt to reinterpret Japan's beauty and cultural past, bearing a nostalgic idea for origins in mind. For example, Fukuda depicted a mother and a child in his native village of Akita prefecture in the framework of Christian art whereas Yoshioka showed his commitment to abstractness in the representation of persimmon leaves. It seems that such artistic statements have been a process to slough off their inter-war activities and secure their place as the unblamed new generation in early post-war Japan.
In the late 1950s, Japan began to reopen its international relations. Nihonga again became involved in political intentions as a means of cultural diplomacy. Particularly in Asian countries, large-scaled research projects for the Orient that were formed in prestigious national universities such as Tokyo and Kyoto, with governmental support, unexceptionally included nihonga artists as members. Some of the founding members of the Sōzō Bijutsu, most of whom taught at the National University of Fine Art in Tokyo or Kyoto, were also appointed as research members. Amongst, Akino Fuku 秋野不矩 (1908-2001) and Yoshioka were especially prominent figures in a series of diplomatic visits to Asian countries such as China, India, Afghanistan, and Turkey.
As a professor of the Kyoto Municipal Special School of Fine Arts, Akino was invited to Vishvabharati University in Shantiniketan, India, in 1962 for one-year visiting professorship. As she reminisced that Sawa Ryūken, a professor of Kyoto University and a member of the Orient research project, arranged her passage to India, this appointment connoted a strong diplomatic intention of the government towards India. Established by Asia's first Novel laureate Rabindranath Tagore in his personal relation with Okakura Tenshin 岡倉天心 (1863-1913), one of the pioneers in the making of Japanese art history, Vishvabharati was a suitable foothold to step into India again. In spite of such political connotation, Akino's encounter with India was so influential that determined her life-time subject in purely artistic spirit.
On the other hand, Yoshioka played a leading role in the continuous research project for the Orient, including China, India and Turkey, organised by the Tokyo National University of Fine Arts and Music where he taught as a professor. As mentioned earlier, he was once engaged himself as an official war painter and was sent to China and Southeast Asia. After the 1960s, his works began to reflect his Oriental experience; however, it appears that his sketches in battlefields during the wartime years were also merged into his post-war tableaux. It is common for nihonga artists to utilise specimen books of objects accumulated through a number of sketches, therefore Yoshioka's traditional way of execution inevitably encountered his inter-war and post-war experience. To sum up, it seems that the development of the Sōzō Bijutsu and its artistic attitude towards the Orient coincide with the post-war Japanese ideology. The post-war nihonga has not been re-evaluated from a socio-political perspective in preceding studies, mainly in art history, partly because of its delicateness in relation to the shadow of the "dark age." However, it is quite possible to give a significant clue to understand the substantial changes in post-war Japan.


Elena Atanassova-Cornelis (Post-doctoral fellow, Catholic University of Leuven)
Understanding and Teaching Contemporary Japanese Foreign Policy
The objective of the proposed presentation is twofold. First, the
presentation seeks to shed light on the direction of Japanese foreign
policy after the Cold War, particularly with regard to its political
and security dimensions. Closely related to the first objective is the
second one, which is to discuss how the understanding of, and the
interest in, Japan in Europe can be enhanced through teaching about
Japan's external relations.
The presentation consists of two parts. The first part, based on the
speaker's ongoing research, analyses Japan's engagement with the
outside world by looking at the foreign and security policy
instruments, which Japan has used after the end of the Cold War.
Subsequently, the following questions are addressed. What kind of a
regional and international actor is Japan? Is it moving, or likely to
move, in a more realist (what has been seen as a military
'normalisation') or in a more liberal (for example, multilateral and
UN-centred) foreign policy direction? What factors influence Japan's
external polices?
In the second part of the presentation, the speaker gives an overview
of a self-designed syllabus on Japanese foreign policy for Master's
level students and discusses students' perception of Japan's role in
the world. What is Japan's regional and international importance, now
that China is on the 'rise'? What should Japan's future foreign policy
direction be? Given the present (worldwide) 'obsession' with China and
the somewhat marginalisation of Japan, courses on Japanese foreign
policy in Europe may prove to be important not only as a means of deepening the understanding of Japan, but also as a tool for increasing
interest in Japan.

Hiroki Asahara (MA student, Kansai University)


また大坂の豪商たちの中には、各藩蔵屋敷の役人との社交上の必要から、能の声楽(謡)を稽古するものが登場する。そのうち謡だけでは飽き足らず、舞や囃子 (楽器)まで手を伸ばし、面や装束のみならず自宅に舞台まで設え、舞い狂う商人たちが現れた。彼らの中には役者へと転向するものまでいた。
幕府が倒れ明治時代となると、能楽は旧時代の遺物として上演されないようになった。大阪の能・狂言の役者たちも生活が立ち行かず、煙草屋となったり私塾を 開いたりと転職を余儀なくされた。政府の遣欧使節が帰国し、欧米のオペラに対する芸能の必要性から東京を中心に能楽の再評価が行われる中でも、大阪の能楽 は遅れをとっていた。そんな大阪の能楽を牽引したのが、能の稽古を行っていた豪商たちである。
特に目立つのが、両替商の平瀬露香と伊丹の酒造業・小西新右衛門である。平瀬露香は先代以前からの金剛流の稽古を受けており、彼が場長をつとめた大阪博物 場に建てられた能舞台は大阪演能の中心地となった。また金剛流では初めてとなる謡本・山岸本の刊行を主に主導したのも平瀬露香である。小西新右衛門は観世 流の大西閑雪の弟子で、静岡から東京に戻った観世宗家清孝に家を提供するなど、観世流全体に援助を行った。彼らが後援した金剛・観世の両流は、対抗意識も あって大阪の能楽を大いに盛り上げた。その到達点の一つが、明治20年(1887年)に明治天皇を招いて大阪皆行社で催された天覧能である。大阪を代表す る能・狂言役者たちが出演する中に混じって、平瀬露香と小西新右衛門の両名も能を演じている。彼らがこの天覧能の功労者であったためであろう。
ま た少し時代は遅れるが、住友財閥の当主であった十三世住友吉左衛門友純(号・春翠)は大阪市立美術館や日本庭園「慶沢園」(現在、天王寺公園の一部)、大 阪府立中之島図書館などを寄付し、大阪の文化全体へ大きな功績を残した人物であるが、謡と舞を観世流の手塚亮太郎に師事した素人弟子であった。大正時代当 時には日本最高の舞台と呼ばれた大阪能楽殿の建設に、土地や資金を提供して尽力した人物であった。
能楽はそれぞれの時代・地域によって、後援者と共に変化・発展していった。後援者の最も古い例は、能楽の大成者である観阿弥・世阿弥の親子を見出した足利 義満であり、江戸時代においては歴代の将軍たちや天皇を中心とした公家たちであった。江戸時代から近代にかけての、大阪における能楽の後援者が豪商であっ たことは、実に商人の街・大阪らしい現象であろう。他の地域、特に江戸(東京)とは異なる大阪の能楽が持つ特徴を、それを支えた後援者の側から考えてみた い。

Hiromi Date (MA student, Kansai University)

Silk Road Yokohama - Lyon : The Path of Franco-Japanese Exchanges since 150 years ago

Yokohama port was opened and concluded the first treaty between France and Japan in 1858. In the second part of the 19th century, Japanese sericultural goods were greatly appreciated for their high quality. When the strongest sericulture in the European market, Lyon, was heavily damaged, Japanese silkworms saved French sericulture. Napoleon III corresponded with the last Shogun Yoshinobu Tokugawa to request silkworms. Tokugawa sent silkworm eggs as a gift in 1865, the year when a direct steamship route was operated between France and Japan. All kinds of silk products export were re-started, shipping only from Yokohama. The fabric of Nishijin in Kyoto was famous for its excellent quality and high technique, so Hideyoshi Toyotomi protected it. After Edo Bakufu started in 1603, the Osaka area was also very important for textile trade and helped Nishijin. Sakai and Osaka were two of the five specific dealers in Japan. The Osaka spirit of feudal merchants and craftsmen known as Chonin supported the Japanese economy, improving Japanese silk industry and markets, and organizing inspections to Europe.
From the end of the Tokugawa period until the early Meiji period, Léon de Rosny and Léon Roches were remarkable for their diplomatic actions. The Paris Exposition introduced Japan abroad since the year of 1867. Emile Guimet presented his Japanese collections in Paris in 1878, and also established a Japanese language school in Lyon in 1879. The Japanese sense of beauty had a strong impact on Europeans. A newly created French word, “japonisme,” also became used in English. Ukiyo-e works of Hiroshige were often studied by European artists, such as Van Gogh, Émille Gallé, Toulous Lautrec, and until the present year of 2008. Guimet’s rich collections of Hiroshige were on display at The Musée Guimet in Paris
Tokutaro Kondo had accompanied Guimet during his trip to Kyoto as an interpreter, and learned the technique of the Jacquard Loom in Lyon, then gave instruction to Nishijin craftsmen and technical schools, until finishing with a final position in Yokohama. Sakichi Toyota, who was influenced in his invention of weaving machines after observing Europe, needless to say London, Lyon, and the U.S. in 1910, founded the Toyoda company in the following year. TOYOTA’s recent shopping mall “Tressa Yokohama” was designed with replicas of the city of Lyon. This sister city is continuing the Silk Road Yokohama-Lyon and will be celebrating its 150th anniversary next year.

David De Cooman (PhD student, Catholic University of Leuven)

Japanese personal name categories: Reflecting the trends of society?
People's names in Japan present those interested in Japanese language, history and society with multiple challenges. First of all, there is the generally acknowledged wealth of readings, involving a manifold variety of pronunciations for virtually every Chinese character used in names. On a more sociolinguistic level, one encounters a complex of attitudes displayed towards the concept of Japanese anthroponyms or person's names. One trivial example relates to the Japanese usage that gives precedence to the family name over the given name, but the subject of my presentation rather tries to focus on the history, interaction and relevance of such entities as "family names" and "personal names": anthroponym categories.
Present topic thus is embedded within a language historical or diachronic framework, investigating the typology of personal names. The classification of Japanese names addresses instances mentioned in Japan's oldest written histories, as well as records of names in more recent documents. I endeavour to identify the major classes within Japanese anthroponymy (ujina 氏名, kamei 家名, myōji 苗字, tsūshō 通称, yobina 呼び名 etc.) and try the possibility of specific subdivisions (adana 渾名, hōgō 法号, haigō 俳号, geimei 芸名 etc.). This study entails the search for common characteristics and, at a future stage, the comparative analysis of structural properties. Research questions pertain to the scope of anthroponym categories (does it include titles or names of offices?) and the nature of mechanisms enabling the diversity of name categories.

Yuko Ishitobi (MA student, Kansai University), Aya Maeda (MA student, Kansai University), and Harue Tonari (MA student, Kansai University)

妖怪の変遷 - Transitions of Ghostly Apparitions
『付 喪神記』(室町時代<14・15C>成立か)の冒頭に「陰陽雑記に云ふ。器物百年を経て、化して精霊を得てより、人の心を誑かす、これを付喪 神と号すと云へり」(陰陽雑記によると、器物は百年経つと、変化して精霊(魂)を得て、人の心を誑かす、これを付喪神と呼ぶのだ)とある。しかし現代にお いて「付喪神」の定義は人によって異なるようで、①霊魂や精霊(意思とも言い換えられるか)が宿っている器物。②所有者の思いや記憶、意思が宿った器物。 という二種類の解釈がある。
付喪神という存在が生まれる背景には、古代に人々が信じていたアニミズム的思想がある。人々は自然界のあらゆる物、事象、場所には霊魂や精霊が宿ってい て、その霊魂や精霊が器である肉体や物体を支配していると考えていた。平安時代になってから、人々はありのままの自然物だけでなく、作り出された道具や器 物にも霊魂が宿ると考えた。道具や器物を物質文明がすすむにつれて減ってゆく自然の代替物として考えたためという説がある(澁澤龍彦『思考の紋章学』 1977年)。あるいは、道具の増加によってさまざまな道具の差別化や役割分担化がすすんだため、そこに人間社会を投影したのか(小松和彦氏・徳田和夫氏 「室町時代の妖怪-付喪神、鬼、天狗、狐と狸」『国文学』2005年)。
『今昔物語集』(平安時代後期<12C頃>成立)巻二十七・ 第六話に、土に埋められて年月を経た銅の提が埋められている場所の付近に現われるという話がある。このとき銅の提は約九メートルぐらいの太った人の姿をし ている。話の最後に「此れを思ふに、物の精は此く人に成りて現ずる也けりとなむ皆人知にけりとなむ」(このことを考えると、物の精霊はこのように人の姿に なって現われるのだと、皆が知るところとなった)と描かれているので、この説話集の成立した平安末期にはすでに、無生物でも化けるという考えが広まってい た。同じく巻二十七・第十九話には、ある人が飛び跳ねるように人家に入っていく油瓶を見た翌日に、その家の者が突然死んでしまったという話がある。これは おそらく怨霊か何か物の怪が油瓶に変化するか乗り移るかして、人を取り殺したものとされている。
この二種類の「器物の怪」は古代と中世で考え方が変わったことに起因する。油瓶のほうを「古代的な物の怪=不可視的な霊が事物に変じたり、示現したりする という形で、その存在を示す」ものとし、銅の提のほうを「中世的な物の怪=可視的な事物が霊的なものを獲得したり、それに内在する精霊が異様なものに変じ たりして、その存在を語ろうとする」ものと考える(小松和彦「器物の妖怪」『憑霊信仰論』1982年)。人々は神聖性をもつ自然物から徐々に離れた生活に 移行するにつれて、アニミズム的思想を生活の中にある道具や器物にも取り入れていった。
器物それ自体が神聖性をもっている考えとは別に、その道具を作る職人を特別視していたという考えもある。人々、特に庶民は職人と「もの」の交換をすること により生活が豊かになっていくことから、職人に呪術的・宗教者と技術的・商人の両方のイメージを持っていた。そして職人が神仏の力を借りて製作した「も の」に対して特別なイメージを持つようになった(花田清輝「画人伝」『室町小説集』1973年)。これは「所有者の思いや記憶、意思が器物に宿る」という 考えに繋がるのではないか。
付喪神は絵巻にも多く描かれている。器物の精が妖怪となって動き出すというモチーフを描いたのは『不動利益縁起』(14C頃成立)がおそらくは初めで、 『土蜘蛛草紙』(南北朝時代<14C>成立)『化物草紙』(室町時代成立)などの絵巻物が中世時代に続々と登場する。『付喪神絵巻』では、い かにして器物が鬼に変化していくかを順に見ていくことができる。最初は普通の道具や楽器にふたつの目がついているだけで、その次に人間や動物、鬼の姿を混 ぜ合わせて作ったような姿になり、話が進むにつれて器物の名残りは完全に失われ、鬼に近い姿の妖怪へと変化する。
付喪神が絵として認識されるようになると、人々の間で共通する妖怪のイメージは器物のかたちを残した付喪神の姿で定着していった。『百鬼夜行絵巻』(室町 時代成立)には様々な鬼や獣、妖怪が描かれているが、そのほとんどは器物の怪=付喪神だ。この絵巻はその後ずっと様々な絵師により描かれる。それまで個々 の名前をもっていなかった付喪神は、江戸時代<17-19C>で博物学の思想が広まるにつれてそれぞれ名前をつけて呼ばれるようになる(鳥山 石燕『画図百鬼夜行』(1776年出版)など)。
現在出版されている妖怪を扱った漫画の多くは、妖怪の絵と名前から『画図百鬼夜行』か、『ゲゲゲの鬼太郎』(水木しげる、兎月書房刊『妖奇伝』掲載、 1959年)をもとにしていると判断できる。「付喪神」に関しても同様だが、固有の名前を付けられずに「付喪神」と呼ばれている場合は『百鬼夜行絵巻』を 参考にしているか、絵ではなく思想だけを取り入れていることが考えられる。そして「付喪神」は器物の怪をまとめて呼ぶ名前か、古いものが変化するという思 想の呼び名として扱われている。
付喪神に限らず、妖怪や怖い話などいわゆる「オカルト」は現在、あらゆるメディアにのっている。江戸時代後期に妖怪が登場する本が多く出版されるが、現代 はそれよりもはるかに多くなっている。ピークは1995年前後で、この頃メディアを限らずにたくさんのオカルト物が発表されている。・・・(例など追加予 定・現在収集中)・・・
付喪神の思想はアニミズム的思想に基づくもので、平安時代から室町時代にかけて広く流布し、絵に変換されたのちも脈々と人々の中に受け継がれてきた。ずっ と昔に生まれた思想が現代でも伝えられ、描かれ続けているのは、それが日本人の精神の根底に溶け込んでしまっているからだとは考えられないだろうか。付喪 神に限らず、妖怪や幽霊などのオカルトを含め、前もった知識の土台があるために描きやすい題材であり、受け手にとっても土台ができているために受け入れや すい題材であるから、どんどんと漫画やアニメが増えていく。その結果良くも悪くも過去と現在で「妖怪」の解釈がずれていくのも事実であるが、それもまた受 け入れ方が変わってきた証拠だと取ることができる。そして、人々は過去のものを否定するのでなく、受け入れやすいカタチに変えることで、妖怪という存在を これからも受け継いでゆくのだろう。

Mitsuru Ito (MA student, Kansai University)

he Reconstruction of Modernity: A Fundamental Study of the Foreign Settlement of Kobe in the Late 19th Century

Modernisation is a changing idea according to time and space. Max Weber defined this idea by three elements; civil society, capitalism and bureaucracy. However in Japan, different ideas such as westernisation, urbanisation, industrialisation, and the rise of a nation more strongly defines modernisation than Weber’s definition. In other words, modernisation is a synonym of westernisation in Japanese context. It is because modernisation in Japan occurred by the contact with the West in the Meiji period when the government encouraged adopting culture and social system of the West. This presentation will reveal one materialistic aspect of Japanese modernisation from several views.
Incidentally, the foreign settlements in Japan show different characters from those in other Asian countries. This is because many Asian countries were directly colonised by Europeans whereas Japan at least kept their independence. Another notable point in foreign settlements in Japan is the fact that the settlements only maintained for 40 years after their opening to the country in the late Edo period. It seems possible that the study of foreign settlements in Japan reveal the meaning of modernisation in the Japanese context, and as to what extent modern Japan adopted or protested the western influence on their own traditions.
This presentation focuses on two prominent foreign settlements in Yokohama and Kobe, both of which were constructed nearby the leading trade ports at that time. There are two reasons that the sites developed in such a large scale: firstly, their location kept suitable distance from important local cities such as Edo and Osaka in these cases; secondly, foreign engineers who contributed to improve infrastructure in modern Japan assembled these areas.
The Kobe foreign settlement particularly shows different characteristics from Yokohama and the other foreign settlements in Japan in terms of planning, dating and geographical condition. Focusing on the Kobe settlement, this presentation discusses evidence including architectural remains and daily goods excavated from archaeological sites to understand the socio-cultural changes in early modern Japan.

Chika Kawasaki (MA student, Kansai University)

The Kojiki: The Myth to Which a Man Gives Birth to a Child
The Kojiki is the oldest surviving Japanese history book compiled in the seventh century A.D. It consists of stories of kami, kami meaning a deity or deities, and those of the successive emperors. It is divided into three parts, Kami-tsu-maki or upper roll, Naka-tsu-maki or middle role and Shimo-tsu-maki or lower roll. The Kami-tsu-maki deals with the deities while the Naka-tsu-maki and the Shimo-tsu-maki focus on humans. In this talk, I will concentrate mainly on the upper roll (Japanese myths), and focus on expressions about "male giving birth". I will also refer to a character of Kojiki and a concept of history in ancient Japan.
The Kojiki are myths to which a male gives birth to a child. This is not only a part of myths. In the middle and lower roll, it is not an empress but an emperor that did it. Although grammatically correct, the expression "male giving birth" is cannot, needless to say, be biologically truth. However, in the Kojiki, the subject of the act of giving birth is a male.
Then, why was the Kojiki so particular about the notion of birth, especially the birth given by male, as to strictly differentiate to usage of each birth-related Chinese character? The reason is related to the compilation purpose of the Kojiki; which was to document the origin of Japan and the legitimacy of the emperor’s rule. In other words, it is logical that the successor of the direct genealogical line that stretches from the age of the kami to the present day emperor. For human relationships there is nothing as strong as the connection of blood. The Kojiki stuck to the phrase “male giving birth” because the bloodline establishes the legitimacy and power of the ruler. It was men that wielded political power in ancient Japan. Being acknowledged as a rightful kin or successor by the man in power was essential for anyone who aspired to inherit the power or qualifications he possessed. In that sense, it can be said the history of ancient Japan was assembled with agnatic genealogy.
I believe it is safe to say that a cognition that the succession of power and rights goes by male genealogy was the understanding of that time. It was a reflection of this power and authority carried by kami was passed on between generations. So I think the expression “male giving birth” came to be used in the Kojiki.

Hanne Knaepen (MA Japanese Studies, Catholic University of Leuven, ULB)

Japanese and European Environmental Decision Making: The Public Policy Development
Until the end of the 1960s, Japan was a “showcase of environmental destruction”. However, just a few years later, the government implemented successful antipollution measures. And despite the remaining deficits, environmental policy in Japan has been pursued more vigorously and earlier in many areas than has been the case for the European Community and its member states.
In 1997, the Kyoto-protocol was signed in Japan. Since then, Japan has seen itself as a world leader in environmental protection. Together with the European Union, Japan works on creating a better environment.
In order to understand Japan’s position vis-à-vis the EU, it is important to analyse the internal policy-making processes within the Japanese political system, and more precisely the environmental public policy processes.
It turns out that the means by which the government first becomes involved in any market failure and how it ultimately responds through policy are elements of a highly complex process. There are many kinds of policy instruments the government can use to control pollution and the negative effects of climate change. After examining these various instruments, the way of designing and implementing these policies in practice will be investigated.
Furthermore, we wish to focus on one of the most serious threats to sustainability: climate change, due to the enhanced greenhouse effect.
Various questions rise when discussing this subject. Why is Japan a leader in environmental policy? Why does the government make decisions favourable to the environment? When certain issues are put on the political agenda, what are they based on? What is the role of the NGO’s? What is the role of the enterprises?
This environmental public policy research will cover two areas: on the one hand, environmental public policy development in Japan and, on the other hand, environmental public policy in Europe.
Finally, a comparison between the Japanese and European decision making processes will reveal how both public policy processes follow their own dynamics. This study will not only analyse specific processes in Europe and Japan concerning public policy, it will also contribute to public policy theory by looking at the gaps in theory, developed for one specific area.

Hitomi Kotani (MA student, Kansai University)

The Intercultural Connection in Relation to Women's Liberation Watched through Fashion
The purpose of this presentation is to show the intercultural connection in relation to women’s liberation from the perspective of clothing, and to examine the way different people, cultures, countries exist comfortably and contently.
The presentation first defines what intercultural connection is.
The era I deal with mainly is the beginning of the 20th century, and the countries being examined are France and Japan. I believe that women’s fashion in France had an influence on Japan, and vice versa. Specifically, I will show that there is a connection between the French corset and Japanese Kimono.
It then points out the 3 movements of women’s freedom in fashion:
The first movement was the activity of Paul Poiret, who was a fashion designer making clothes without the use of a corset. He gave women physical freedom, and he was influenced by the Kimono.
The second movement was World War I. Before the war, women had to do housework for their husbands and wore corsets as a means to delight the men. However, during the war, women had to fill the jobs the men had, so they became to wear freely moving clothes, such as short length skirts.
The last movement was the activity of Gabrielle Chanel, who was a fashion designer, and made clothes without the use of corsets, much like Paul Poiret. But the difference was that Gabrielle gave women, not only physical freedom, but also mental freedom.
She had the power to understand the needs of society, so she could make clothes, and set the latest trends in hairstyle for working women. She also allowed women to express themselves through fashion. In addition, she used materials such as jersey and tweed, had been used only for men’s clothes, and she made some dresses by the influence of Japanese fashion, including Kimono.
Finally, my presentation will suggest that what is good or the best way to different people, cultures, and countries exist comfortably and contently without conflicts, oppressions, revolts, and so on. My opinion is that it is really important to understand differences, and accept good things of different people, cultures, and countries, as Paul Poiret and Gabrielle Chanel did.
The appreciation of this diversity could give us the good way to spend lives in the 21th century called a global society.

Masaki Morishita (PhD student, Kansai University)

12世紀から15世紀にかけて、南西諸島は考古学的にグスク時代とよばれる時期にあたる。それはグスクとよばれる歴史的建造物が南西諸島全域で造営される ことに由来する。日本の城館とは異なる様相をもつグスクは当該期の東アジア社会において、他文化を享受しつつ独自性を保持した琉球を象徴する建造物であ る。発表者はグスクの造営に大きく関連する当該期の首長層である按司に着目し、グスクの造営に按司がどのように関連してきたのか言及することを本研究発表 の目的とする。具体的には以下に着目したい。
第一に、按司に関する文献資料である。当該期の琉球の様相に関して、文献資料は希少であるが、中国や朝鮮の文献、あるいは伝承やおもろそうしなどに散見す ることができる。そのなかには、按司に関するものも含まれており、グスクと按司に関するものも存在する。特に有力な按司に限られるという制約はあるが、こ れらの資料を精査・検討することにより、グスク造営に関連する按司の性格に関して考察する。
第二に、伝承などにみられる按司のグスク造営への関心について、そこに描かれるグスクの考古学的調査の成果と比定することで、グスク造営の背景を探る。例 えば伝承にあらわれる按司の代表格として、察度や尚巴志の伝承がある。両者はともに多くの鉄資源の確保の成功と、その分配により、察度は浦添按司として、 尚巴志は佐敷按司として民衆より推されたという伝承がある。このことの真偽性については不明であるが、これらの伝承は少なくとも当該期における鉄資源の重 要性の認識と、個別な按司の発生に対する琉球人の動向について示唆的である。
最後に、上記の検討を踏まえて、グスクの構造にあらわされた特徴に関して、日本の中世城館と中国・朝鮮半島の山城の比較を通して、構造上の類似性や独自性 の抽出を行う。例えば、グスクの石積みは日本において石垣の技術が現れる以前のものであり、湾曲させた石積みは朝鮮半島の山城に類似する。しかし、日本の 中世山城で主にみられる掘り切りや土塁などの技術も兼ね備えるグスクがあることが近年の発掘調査で明白となりつつある。
これらのことは他地域の技 術導入をすすめ、グスクの造営あるいは拡張という一大事業を可能にした背景に按司を主体とする交易という外的要因と、経済体系の変容による琉球内での情勢 の緊張という内的要因が存在する。同時に城塞化するなかにも、グスクに聖域性を確保しつづけた按司層・琉球人の動向に関して言及する。

Anton Peersman (MA Japanese Studies, Catholic University of Leuven)

Irony and Hiniku: Indicating irony through exaggerated levels of politeness
People do not only communicate through language (linguistic signs). Often they rely on physiologically motivated means such as intonation in order to get accross their message. As a form of sarcastic irony, hiniku (皮肉) is not seldom accompanied by diverse forms of similar paralinguistic cues or tegakari (exaggerated intonation, prolonged duration, repetition, stylized intonation,...). They indicate the ironic intention of the speaker and thus promote a correct interpretation by the addressee. For this presentation, we choose to highlight one of these hiniku indicators: exaggerated politeness. In particular, we investigate how a situation- incongruent level of formality affects the ironic perception. We base ourselves mainly on the findings by Okamoto (2002).
Exaggeration in general is a fairly grammaticalised trigger for ironic interpretation. Through repetition and ritualisation, it has become normal to associate f.i. exaggerated intonation with ironic or sarcastic expressions (cf. the intonational contour of a sarcastic Yeah right! in English). As such, exaggeration is now a handy tool for conveying the speaker’s intention of falsity (pragmatic insincerity). This is certainly so for hiniku in Japanese.
In essence being another form of exaggeration, hyperformality is equally used to show the falsity of utterances. In Japanese conversation, one has to select out of the wide range of degrees of formality, that level of politeness which matches the relationship between the speaker, listener and referee. Tending towards an extreme end of the formality continuum, without the situation calling for it, marks an expression as atypical and thus triggers the perception of pragmatic insincerity. It is unclear, however, whether the hiniku in an utterance with a situation-incongruent politeness level results solely from the manifestation of pragmatic insincerity.
Okamoto is the author of the so-called norm assumption (which relates as a parallel mechanism to pragmatic insincerity). According to this theory, it is possible that politeness itself plays a role in the perception of hiniku by alluding to some norms. Politeness might remind the listener of some desirable norm or expectation relating to the contents of the utterance and thus contribute to the hiniku in it.
The experiments of Okamoto did not prove the norm assumption: they did not show that politeness enhances the perception of irony. However, we feel that this is not enough to neglect the concerned hypothesis. We propose to make a distinction between two intentions that lie in an utterance with hiniku: the ironic and critical intentions. Politeness is likely to only affect the latter.

Yoshitaka Suzuki (PhD student, Kansai University)

“Subject” and “subjectivity” in the Japanese grammar
Since the end of the Edo period, Japanese people have introduced many things from the West, including Western grammatical notions. The notion of “subject” was one of them. There is, however, a great difference between the Japanese language and European languages: Japanese doesn’t normally express the subject of a sentence, or, more correctly, it is a subject-less language. This fact is stereotypically used to describe one of the characteristics or the defects of the Japanese language, and some people, even Japanese, say it is a illogical language.
Although the remark that Japanese is a subject-less language is true, its “subjectlessness” doesn’t directly lead to the conclusion it is not logical. The notion of “subject” is quite an European idea, and therefore this is new to the Japanese linguistic tradition. In the European linguistic tradition, the origin of this notion can be found at the latest in the Hellenic era when Plato claimed a sentence (“logos”) has a noun (“onoma”) and a verb (“rhema”). The notion of “subject” was later introduced into grammars of Western languages, and survived for more than two millennia. English grammars and Dutch grammars were, of course, no exception. Those grammars inherited the notion, and brought it into the grammatical description of Japanese in the 19th century. Then, through “Ran-gaku” and “Ei-gaku”, Japanese people learned the Western grammatical framework and applied it to Japanese without considering the basic syntactic and semantic differences. Since then, the notion of “subject” has been a point of discussion in Japanese linguistics, and there is not any clear explanation about the subject of Japanese at all. Recently, however, a Japanese linguist, Yoshihiko Ikegami, proposed the idea of “subjectivity” concerning subject-less sentences in Japanese. According to him, Japanese people verbalize a situation as if they were present in the situation itself and were experiencing it (i.e. subjectively). On the other hand, speakers of English or other European languages verbalize a situation from the viewpoint of an observer (i.e. objectively) as if they saw a picture. I believe this notion will be a great help to understand the “subjectlessness” of Japanese and the long-standing controversy over “subject” in Japanese linguistics.
In my presentation, I would like to review the history of “subject” in the Western grammatical tradition at first. Then, I am going to re-examine several descriptions of “subject” by Japanese linguists (e.g. Yoshio Yamada and Motoki Tokieda), the essence of which seems to reflect strong ‘subjectivity’ of Japanese. Then I turn to a well-known idea of abandoning the term ‘subject’ in the Japanese grammar (“Shugo Haishi Ron”). This theme was originally proposed by Akira Mikami, and the similar ideas were expressed by other grammarians. I argue this in relation with the strong tendency of “subjectivity” in Japanese. By reviewing those descriptions of “subject”, it will be clarified that the idea of “subjectivity” can be found in such descriptions, and that it is a key to understand the subject of Japanese.

Mariko Takahashi (MA student, Kansai University)

Torikaebaya Monogatari: The Story of a Peculiar Aristocratic Family in the Heian Era
In my presentation I will introduce the very odd story of Torikaebaya Monogatari, which was written in the late Heian Era (794~1192), and stress the value of this tale from the point of view of the story itself. I will also examine materials which can be used to reconstruct the original story before its adaptation. Before discussing Torikaebaya Monogatari, I will briefly refer to the Tale of Genji, the centrepiece of Heian literature that is said to be written a thousand years ago.
Torikaebaya Monogatari is a tragicomic story about a changeling and was very innovative for those times. The word “torikaebaya” means “I want to change”; it is a word uttered by the father of the two main characters, a boy and a girl who were born from a different mother around the same time. The reason why he said torikaebaya is that his daughter, who was very active (this was rare for aristocracy of those times), looked like a boy. On the contrary, her brother was very shy like a girl and he preferred playing inside the house.
The story of Torikaebaya which we can read today has been rewritten. The original one, which is lost, is usually called “Ko-Torikaebaya” which means “the older Torikaebaya Monogatari” while the adapted one is called “Ima-Torikaebaya” meaning “the new Torikaebaya Monogatari”. Although we can not read the original Ko-Torikaebaya anymore, it is possible to get an idea of how different it was from Ima-Torikaebaya by examining three works. The first one is Mumyōzōshi; a critical essay of tales, which was made in the early Kamakura Era, the second work is Monogatari Nihyakuban Uta-awase; a Japanese anthology which was made by Fujiwara-no-Teika and styled as a poetry contest and the third one is Fūyō Wakashū”; an anthology of poems collected by imperial command. 
Torikaebaya Monogatari was criticized as a very immoral story because of its detailed description of sexual scenes and the theme of changing gender roles. As a result, the tale was an untouchable subject before World War Ⅱ. However, in recent years it has been researched not only from the viewpoint of literature but also from the viewpoint of psychology. In my presentation I will approach Torikaebaya Monogatari from both points of view and emphasize the value of its story.

Yuishi Tamura (MA student, Kansai University), Ryohei Toshima (MA student, Kansai University), Chie Takehara (MA student, Kansai University)

1972 年に発掘された高松塚古墳の中には四神という各方角を統べる4匹の神獣以外に8人の男性と8人の女性、あわせて16人の人物の絵が描かれていた。いわゆる 「飛鳥美人」といわれた女子群像や男子群像は古代の人々の表情や服装を現代に伝えるだけではなく、当時の法制度や儀式を今日の私達に伝えるものであった。 本発表では高松塚古墳の女子群像と男子群像をとおして古代の日本における服装の法律や儀式について報告したいと思う。
高松塚古墳の壁に描かれた 16人の人物像は、東壁の中央の青龍図、西壁の白虎図を境として南に男性像、北に女性像がある。東西両壁の技法に大きな差異はない。いずれの人物像も縦横 40cmほどの範囲に描かれ、型紙によるヘラ押しが指摘されている。顔と衣服の表現から、四人ずつがまとまり、南に移動を始めた一瞬を捉えている。それは 葬式のような儀式の様相ではなく被葬者の従者が待機している姿を描いていると考えられる。人物像はそれぞれ手に道具を持っている。その道具から天皇の即位 や元旦、朝賀など宮(ミヤコ)における重要な儀式を前に、待機している舎人とよばれる下級の役人と女嬬とよばれる女性の召使である。
高松塚古墳の つくられたとかんがえられる年代は、石槨とよばれる棺をいれる部屋のかたちや副葬品、すなわち遺体と一緒に入れられたものの鏡などから720年ごろと考え られる。男子群像、女子群像ともに一見するとカラフルな色合いの服を着ているが古代の東アジアにおいて服というのは単なるデザインではなくて身分によって 決められていた。
その頃の日本においても、身分により着ている服やその服の色が今の法律である「令」によって定められていたのである。高松塚古墳 が築造されたと考えられる年代は衣服に関する法律が頻繁にだされた時でもあった。具体的には685年、690年、701年、718年に服制といわれる服に 関する「令」が変更されているのである。そこで高松塚古墳の人物像とその服にかんする法律とを比べてみると、褶や長紐、頭の冠である漆紗冠など服装や持ち 物については685年の法律で定められた服装と類似する。しかし着ている服の色がどの衣服令ともあわないことが指摘できる。たとえば黄色い衣を着ている者 がいるが黄色の歩区を着る身分は衣服の法律には存在しない。よって衣服に関する法律が厳密に守られていたかどうかは疑問が残る。またその法律が頻繁に出さ れるということは守られていないという証しになるのではないだろうか。しかし持ち物や服から描かれた場面がいつなのかということを絞り込めることは確かで ある。また持ち物から天皇の前で新年の挨拶をするという儀式である元日朝賀に行く前の様相でと考えられる。なぜならば人物像がもっている如意やかざしとい う道具は『貞観儀式』という平安時代(794~1192)の書物の元日朝賀の持ち物と完全に一致するからである。

Tokie Tani (PhD student, Kansai University)

The Japanese Art Study by Jack Hillier and its background
Jack Hillier (1912-1995) was a British scholar and collector of Japanese art. He was arguably one of the most important scholars of pre-modern Japanese paintings and prints because of his wide and comprehensive knowledge. Although he initially studied ukiyo-e, later in life he developed an interest in illustrated books and surimono 摺物 (privately issued prints for special occasions) created by the Shijō School artists. The purpose of this presentation is to examine the Shijō School study by Jack Hillier and clarify its background.
The Shijō School四条派derived from the Maruyama School 円山派, a Japanese school of naturalistic painting, which was founded in the late eighteenth century by Maruyama Ōkyo 円山応挙. One of Ōkyo’s pupils, Matsumura Goshun 松村呉春, established an offshoot school and made it popular in the Kamigata area around Kyoto and Osaka during the Edo period.
At the beginning of twentieth century, the school was known but not appreciated in the West. But this changed due to the efforts of Hillier. He devoted himself into the school, and in 1974, he published The Uninhibited Brush: Japanese Art in the Shijo Style, which is the first systematic and careful research on the Shijō School in the West. In this book, Hillier characterised the Shijō School as the following three features; (1) naturalism, (2) lyricism and (3) brushwork. Among them, he placed a special emphasis on the use of brushwork. This free and spontaneous brushwork was referred to as “uninhibited brush” in his book. He stressed that the aesthetic value of the school arose from their brushwork. In addition, he tried to reassess the school in the context of Japanese Art History, not from a western point of view. Thus he greatly contributed to the understanding and appreciation of the Shijō School in the West.
In contrast, there were also problems caused by Hillier’s particular attention to brushwork in his study. He was prone to focusing on superficial features such as brushwork, light and shadow, shape, angle and composition. Because of this he did not adequately consider the profound meanings of the works. However, it is important to note that he appreciated the works of the Shijō School artists based on its quality and technique, and not affected by the artists’ name. Japanese scholars tend to appreciate the artists who already attainted great fame. Therefore, a considerable number of Shijō School artists are not appropriately appreciated in Japan now although they have exquisite techniques. Consequently, their works should be carefully reassessed in Japan.
The question we must consider next is why Hillier conducted and devoted himself to the study of the Shjo School. There are three main reasons for this issue; (1) price, (2) technical and aesthetic quality, (3) taste for naturalism. First of all, the works of the school, especially illustrated books and surimono, were easily available at a low price after World War II. Next, the aesthetic value which attracts Hillier’s interest can be found in the works. And finally, there are similar tastes for naturalism between the Shijō School and British art.
Above all, this presentation discussed the characteristics and significance of the Jack Hillier’s study of the Shijō School, and moreover, the relationship between his study and its background will be clarified.

Mai Tsujimoto (MA student, Kansai University)

Gender in Cooking Examined Thorough “Ryori bon” in the Edo Era
“Ryori-bon” is one kind of categories of book published in the Edo Era. Although it means the book for gastronomy and cookery book as well, Ryori-bon is something different from today’s cookbook. There is no recipe and no photo or picture to tell us how to cook in it. Its contents are what ingredients to use and rough recipes by words.
This fact would certainly make a strange impression for not only Japanese but also Western people at the present time.
I focus on many illustrations of Ryori-bon and examine how gender concerned with gastronomy and cooking in those days. One of usual materials is entitled “Shiroto Bocyo” or cooking for nonprofessionals. published in the Kansei period.
Its foreword says “This cookery book doesn’t contain formal menu and recipe. Formal menu is useful for only professionals. This book mainly helps commoners such as farmers, merchants or tradespersons. And also says it is useful for daily cooking. However we can’t trust all of what it says is true.
According to my examine, Ryori-bon including Shiroto Bocyo is chiefly published for men not women. One reason is the picture illustrated on pages. In those illustrations we can find men cook more than women. Of course, those illustrations don’t reflect the actual scenes of kitchen at that time.
The other reason is the style of writing. For example, all pages of “Shiroto Bocyo”’ were written in classical Chinese. In those days, women couldn’t read classical Chinese.
Ryori-Bon’s illustrations give us some useful information about cooking utensil especially kitchen knives. We can also find that when women use the kitchen knives, they cut vegetables or tofu (soybean curt) in illustrations. In contrast to that, men cut fish and meet.
What does it mean? In Edo era’ kitchen knife was so light that women could use well.
At the beginning pages of “Shiroto Bocyo”, there are some illustrations which depict the scene of cooking in the room. These scenes are very similar to scenes of “Syuhanron
Emaki” or Illustration for Dining.
“Syuhanron Emaki” is a kind of picture scroll depicted in the Muromachi era and known as a precious material about cooking history in Japan. The story is about three people; a man who likes to drink, a man who likes to eat and a man likes either to drink or to eat.
This picture scroll has some duplication. And there are two styles of duplication.
Turn to Meiji era, cooking men disappeared in the illustrations of Ryori-bon. Instead, more and more women appear in the scenes of cooking and cut fish or chicken with kitchen knives .
On the contrary, men were exiled from the kitchen . According to research of modern folklore, men are allowed to cook in four occasions; new year’s day, festival of rural community, banquet for marriage and banquet for funeral ceremony It is said that it has something to do with men’s physical power and the idea of women’s Kegare or impurity.

Yasuko Utsumi (PhD student, Kansai University)

The Eyes of Visitors and the Eyes of Locals: Tourist sights in 19th-century Osaka, Japan
An increase in travel during the Edo period cased a surge in incoming visitors for the locals. These visitors paid visits to tourist sights (meisho) that offered various attractions and facilities such as shrines and temples, historical spots, famous stores, restaurants and the like. An essential aspect of meisho was the interaction between visitors and locals. In my presentation, I will address a number of issues concerning meisho by discussing cases of visitors and locals. I will first look at the issue of visitors’ destinations - where did they go, and what did they see? And how did locals change in response to these visitors’ movements and behaviors? The second and important issue I will take up is that of how local people formed their identities and communities through the eyes of visitors. I will examine cases of Osaka, one of the larger and most vibrant cities of Edo period Japan.
I will introduce some cases of visitors who stayed in Osaka for a short period of time, in particular those of tourists or pilgrims. The materials I use to examine these cases are travel diaries. Such diaries are called dōchū-ki. The travelers who penned these diaries visited famous shrines and temples and many also saw Osaka Castle. I will also introduce cases of visitors who stayed in Osaka for several months or more, stays which were required by their professions. These visitors were mostly samurai, or officials in the service of their feudal lords. A significant text in this research is the 19th-century Osaka Meisho Ichiran-ki (Journal of Famous Osaka Sights) by Yamazaki Naotomo who was one of the samurai working in Osaka Castle. Yamazaki was a keen observer and he made a vivid description of what he saw. He also paid visits to shrines and temples, some of which were located on the edge of the Uemachi Plateau from which he could overlook the vast panorama of Osaka. He also enjoyed viewing flowers.
In response to visitors, local people promoted their meisho. A lot of guide books survive from the Edo period such as Settsu Meisho-zue (Famous Places of Settsu), among many others. Tourist information was not only available in book form but in several other types of media as well. Flyers called ichimai-zuri were published as well as mitatebanzuke (leaflets with lists ranking people, things, places and so on) and printed guide maps. As well as producing such promotional materials as these, the local people actively created new attractions-Meisho, leisure facilities and the like. One good example is the case of Ikutama shrine which was a shrine located in downtown Osaka for one of the local deities, and it was worshipped at by the locals. In the late years of the Edo period, other meisho became more popular than Ikutama shrine as sights of Osaka, so the shrine authorities constructed an observation platform at Ikutama shrine (like the platform of Kiyomizu Temple which is the most popular platform in Japan today), which afforded a fine view of the town of Osaka. As a further example of the Osaka locals’ promotional activities, they dredged the Nekoma River, enabling cargo boats to pass along it. They also planted flowers and a row of cherry blossom trees along the banks in order to attract visitors.
A fundamental feature of meisho was its existence as a site of interaction between visitors and locals, and it is this feature that I wish to particularly emphasize in my presentation.

Akifumi Yamaguchi (PhD student, Kansai University)

The Establishment of the Temple in front of the Tomb of Prince Shōtoku
Prince Shōtoku (聖徳太子, 574-622) became an object of worship as a Buddhist saint soon after his death because of his religious devotion to Buddhism. This worship is called Shōtoku worship, and it can be divided into three periods in Japanese ancient history; the first was in the eighth century when Hōryūji Temple (法隆寺) expanded, the second was in the ninth century when this worship was related to the Tendai sect (天台宗), and the last was in the eleventh century when a new movement occurred in the temples of Prince Shōtoku. The presenter would like to focus on the last period by taking Eifukuji Temple (叡福寺) as the clue in this presentation. The theme will be centred on the problem of when this temple was built in front of the tomb of Prince Shōtoku from a historical point of view.
This presentation is made up of two parts. First, basic ideas on Prince Shōtoku and Eifukuji Temple will be introduced to support your understanding of this presentation. Then, the presenter will state his opinion on the establishment of Eifukuji Temple.
Eifukuji Temple stands in front of the tomb of Prince Shōtoku in Minami-Kawachi County, Taishi Town Osaka Prefecture (大阪府南河内郡太子町).
Considerable controversy has risen about the establishment of Eifukuji Temple and so far there are five main opinions on the topic. And the presenter thinks that it could have been built between the middle of the eleventh and the middle of the twelfth century. This conclusion can be demonstrated by following four points:

  • 1) Interpreting the message of the inscription Taishi Gyokibun (太子御記文)
    It was discovered near the tomb during the Tengi Era (天喜年間, 1053-1058) in the late Heian period. It had a phrase that demanded the sovereign to build the temple. Thus, it can be as a very important clue to pinpoint the time when the temple was built.


  • 2) Reorganising historical records mentioning the discovery of the inscription
    They tell us the buildings that people tried to build when the inscription was discovered. The presenter will presume when the temple was built from the change of their description.


  • 3) Considering how the tomb of Prince Shōtoku was recognized in the Heian and the Kamakura Period (鎌倉時代)
    The presenter will corroborate the opinion on when Eifukuji Temple was built based on this consideration.


  • 4) Introducing the roof tiles excavated in Eifukuji Temple
    Using roof tiles as archaeological evidence is a useful method to determine when a temple was built. The samples from Eifukuji Temple will also positively support the opinion on its establishment.
    Eifukuji Temple is devoted to the memory of Prince Shōtoku in front of his tomb, so it is important to consider when it was built, and this theme will contribute to a clarification of the history of Shōtoku worship. The presenter aims at clarifying one manifestation of Shōtoku worship in the late Heian Period in his presentation.